President Donald Trump is close to ending the war in Gaza. His executive order guaranteeing Qatar’s security after Israel launched an attack on its territory reminded Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that his country can’t act with impunity. By defining limits and making it clear that American patience might be exhausted, Trump nudged Israel to accept a peace deal that’s in the country’s best interest.
Two years after Hamas’ murderous incursion across its southwestern border, Israel has decimated Hamas’ military capacity. In the process, however, Israel brought itself to the verge of international isolation and the type of reputational damage that takes decades to repair. The country seemed ambivalent to international opinion even as its reputation in Europe and America declined. Israelis are also tired of the war, and 82% of them want the conflict to end.
Israel’s strength is magnified by the ability of its people to stand together in a world that’s sometimes hostile. That unity, however, has been tested by the maximalist policies of Israel’s current government, and Trump’s peace plan allows Israel to extricate itself from a strategically challenging position. The risk of further isolation and internal divisions now poses a bigger menace to Israeli security than the residual threat from Hamas.
Israeli soldiers are tired, and some have called on their fellow citizens not to serve in the military in Gaza. The ultra-Orthodox Jewish community is mostly refusing military service even though its political parties have pushed for a continuation of the war. The internal cracks being exacerbated by the conflict are significant, and a country of 10 million people, about two-thirds of whom are Jewish, can’t afford to be disunited.
Netanyahu finally understands that ending the conflict is necessary. That doesn’t mean Hamas is anything but a brutal organization that preys on Palestinians and murders Israelis. Hamas’ military forces are more thug than soldier and its leaders resemble criminals more than military commanders. Hamas deserves the blame for starting the conflict, and if the Palestinian people deserve the world’s sympathy, Hamas deserves none.
Israel’s government is right to condemn Hamas but wrong that its military can eliminate the organization completely. Israel is fooling itself if it thinks it can occupy Gaza without incurring significant losses and creating a massive drain on its resources. The debate about whether an occupation is justified is beside the point, since the practical result would be further damage to Israel’s international reputation. Israel can’t achieve the ends it seeks, even if its military can win every battle.
Israel has already won the military conflict with Hamas. Now comes the harder work of winning the peace. Openness to a Palestinian state is essential in the long run, but Israeli leaders should consider three specific actions immediately. All are risky and difficult to achieve but also essential for Israel to regain control of the narrative.
First, Israel’s centrist parties should explicitly commit to joining a government led by Prime Minister Netanyahu. Even if that thought is personally and politically unpalatable, their willingness to join the government would break the stranglehold currently exercised by parties opposed to ending the war.
Second, Israeli leaders should look for ways to limit the consequences of criminal charges facing Netanyahu. This is unappealing to anyone who believes that no Israeli is above the law but would remove one of Netanyahu’s key motivations for holding his far-right government together at any cost. A collapse of his government would end his premiership and expose him to criminal prosecution. The damage done to Israeli society by this course is less significant than what might occur if Netanyahu is making decisions for self-preservation.
Third, Israel should look for a figure capable of garnering support from most Palestinians. The Palestinian Authority has been a feckless negotiating partner, but it’s not true that the Palestinians lack a unifying figure. Marwan Barghouti, imprisoned by Israel since 2002, may be the answer. His tenure on the Palestinian legislative council in the 1990s was marked by efforts to combat corruption and reform Palestinian governance. He holds multiple university degrees, speaks fluent Hebrew and advocated for a two-state solution.
Even when Barghouti called for resistance, he insisted it should be directed at soldiers and settlers in what most of the world calls the occupied territories and never at civilians inside Israel. This is a hard position for Israelis to accept, but it’s relatively moderate given Hamas’ call for Israel’s destruction. Barghouti at least seems viable. The thought of releasing him is anathema to parts of Israeli society, but if the centrist parties join Netanyahu’s government, that may not matter.
President Trump has crafted a deal that can lead to a lasting peace, but that requires bold gestures on Israel’s part and a willingness to assume risk. Releasing Barghouti is a good start, but only possible if Netanyahu feels secure and the centrists minimize the importance of the extreme right-wing. Israel is an extraordinary country with a military that just won a difficult war. Securing its victory requires the country to take uncomfortable actions, but the alternative is a return to conflict and increasing isolation in the world.
Colin Pascal (colinjpascal@outlook.com) is a retired Army lieutenant colonel who served as Director of Counterintelligence and Human Intelligence for Operation Inherent Resolve and as Director of Operations for the US Army Foreign Counterintelligence Activity. He’s a graduate student in the School of Public Affairs at American University and lives in Annapolis.
